BJP Arunachal condemns Opposition for blocking Women’s Reservation Bill
CM Khandu attends grand finale of Arunachal Runway
CM calls on Governor, discusses state’s dev issues
Governor visits Border Outpost, interacts with Army troops
By Jarpum Gamlin
A generation has passed by almost, since the Mon Autonomous Region Demand Committee (MARDC) issue was first raised in the frontier state of Arunachal Pradesh sometime in December 2003; therefore it is but natural that many young Arunachalees are unaware of the context that led to such a demand. Let’s be upfront. Although the demand was veiled as equalizer for socio-political and economic development with rest of the frontier region, it was born out of political tussle to exert control on the region between two powerful contemporaries of that time: former Chief Minister late Dorjee Khandu and former Minister late TG Rimpoche.
In short, this led to creation of the Department of Karmik & Adhyatmik Affairs (DoKAA) as a special purpose vehicle and funds have been granted without a question raised or asked by the other tribes of the state. Keeping aside the technicalities related to Schedule V and VI of the Constitution, no region of the state was starkly different from each other then. Although today, Monyul region and most parts of the eastern belt has leapfrogged ahead in terms of infrastructure. Then and now, Tirap and Changlang districts are still lagging behind alongside the carved out district of Longding. They have themselves to blame as much as the rest of the region in the state for misusing meager resources.
Subsequently, the issue of Autonomous Development Councils (ADCs) were intermittently raised to keep the serving Chief Ministers of the day on tenterhooks by various political forces.
Thus, “July 29 Event” took many by surprise when BJP’s Chief Minister Pema Khandu was petitioned by his elder cousin and party legislator, Jambey Tashi and CM’s own coterie. Never in the brief history of Arunachal politics have the loyalists MLAs use “ADC” as a political tool against its own patron Chief Minister ever before. This act belies the recorded history of ADC and thus, “July 29 Event” has to be more than what meets the eye.
Absence of community leaders of the Monyul region that comprises Monpa, Aka, Miji, Shertukpen, Sartang and Bugun is intriguing. Except for a group of Monpa community leaders, other group members were neither informed nor invited. Thus, “July 29 Event” was more to marginalise opposition voices and thus, reflects lack of seriousness in pursuing ADC.
On the eve of his departure, after spending a fortnight in his hometown, attending a political event with larger ramification on state’s politics cannot be without an ulterior design especially when the state is reeling under stress from COVID-19 crisis coupled with allegation of financial mismanagement of the COVID-19 funds.
Questions are: Was it a diversionary tactic to wean attention from the listless performance over the years of the Khandu government? Or was it an attempt to project Khandu as the undisputed leader of the Monyul region? Or was it both?
“July 29 Event” was necessitated by the prevailing political environment where his leadership has come under scanner for the listless performance since massive mandate in 2019; more so since March 2020 wherein several of his ministers have been eclipsed by bureaucrats leaving them crippled and disgruntled. Party MLAs are rendered jobless, with no funding to their developmental agendas and are suffering in silence. There seems to be a fissure beneath the surface.
However, with non-existent opposition in the legislature, there is no imminent threat to his government but in mid or long term; there could be threat to his Chief Ministership from within the BJP which is a foregone conclusion. It is least likely that a challenger could be from amongst the BJP legislators or even Lok Sabha MP, Tapir Gao who received generous support from Khandu to be elected.
Most potent threat is from thrice elected Lok Sabha MP and twice Union MoS Kiren Rijiju who is more seasoned and more popular, comparatively. Rijiju happens to be from the Miji tribe, the third largest community in Monyul region. As on today, there are two BJP stalwarts in BJP and both are from Monyul region hence July 29 Event wasn’t surprising. In a way, “July 29 Event” was a political optics to project Khandu as the undisputed leader of the Monyul region pre-empting any possible challenge.
Political quagmire doesn’t end here. MARDC has few takers today within the Monyul region. The Aka tribe (Second largest tribe in Mon region after Monpa) is willing to support MARDC in exchange for a separate Lower Kameng district. The Miji tribe (Third largest tribe) is demanding Bichom District and Kiren Rijiju has been a protagonist since conception. Sherdukpen (Fourth largest in Mon) are a disgruntled lot after their lone legislative assembly seat of Kalaktang was wrested away by a Monpa candidate.
Also, the August 5th meeting at Bomdila, of the Mon Region’s community leaders belonging to Aka, Miji, Sherdukpen, Sartang and Bugun can be seen as a counter to the July 29 event. Even their decision to do away with quota for the monks, offering just one seat to Tawang and appointment of Chairmanship on rotational basis in the proposed ADC reflects their deep rooted suspicion.
Rest of the community in the state too have raised the red-flag on the issue.
Whichever way, without consensus amongst the seven tribes of Monyul, July 29 Event is a storm in a tea cup, albeit laced with ulterior motive. On a brighter note to end with, it has sparked off the much needed debate on the Arunachal Pradesh Statehood Act of 1987 that one has been writing since 2009.