Nani Bath

India permitted the Dalai Lama to visit Tawang in 2009, which China claims as ‘an integral part of the Southern Tibet region and is alienable from China's Tibet in terms of cultural background and administrative jurisdiction’. He is permitted again this year in spite of strong Chinese reactions or ‘warnings’.

The Peoples Republic of China and India emerged as independent nations almost simultaneously. India, under the leadership of Nehru, desired to have its economy developed so as to feed the teeming millions. The very first step Nehru took was to establish friendly relations with India’s neighbours while remaining non-aligned to either of the blocks (Socialist and Capitalist).

China was wary of India’s reactions when it invaded Tibet in 1950. Since India had it own sets of problems, Nehru showed no inclinations to deter the establishment of Chinese rule in Tibet. India refused Tibet’s appeal for help, and Nehru is believed to have told the Tibetans to negotiate for a peaceful settlement.

When, in 1951, Major Ralengnao Khating, a young Naga officer, with 200 soldiers occupied Tawang, PRC did not protest. Major Khating had ordered the locals not to obey the orders of Tsona Dzongpens of the Tibetan government.

Mao’s China was ideologically committed to prevent imperialist tendencies of the USA, and was advocating for unity of the developing countries. This provided an opportunity for India and China to come together.  The “Agreement on Trade and Intercourse between the Tibet region of China and India”, also known as Pancheel Agreement, was signed between India and China in 1954.

The 1954 Agreement, for the first time, referred Tibet as ‘the Tibet region of China’. Not only was Tibet’s sovereign rights got compromised but India also had to give up its extra territorial rights in Tibet, such as, the military escorts in Gyantse and Yatung; post offices, telegraph and telephone services and 12 rest houses. 

Anti-Chinese and anti-communist revolt that broke out in Lhasa, the capital of Tibet, on 10^th March 1959 was brutally crushed by Chinese military. Thousands of Tibetans, mostly Lamas, were massacred.  On the suggestion of his Cabinet, the 14th Dalai Lama fled the capital probably to avoid a Chinese crackdown.

On 31 March, the Dalai Lama reached Indian border and sought political asylum. India was more than happy to host the spiritual-cum-political leader along with thousands of his supporters.

Chinese PLA’s inability to stop the Dalai Lama from crossing over to India plus India’s willingness to host him had put China in an embarrassing position at the global level. Furthermore, Nehru’s ‘forward policy’ was perhaps construed as an extension of the imperialist policy of the British by Mao.

The Chini-Hindi-Bhai-Bhai slogan that reverberated across the Himalayas suddenly turned silent. The silence was broken by the sounds of Chinese mortars and machine guns on 20^th October 1962. Mao’s China attacked India with an aim to ‘teach Nehru a lesson’. Many, including Indira Gandhi, did opine that Mao’s actions of 1962 had hastened Nehru’s death.

Several rounds of border talks yielded no positive results. Nor was the visit of the Chinese president Xi Jinping in India in 2014 helpful in resolving the vexed boundary issue. Prime Minister Narendra  Modi’s mantra, ‘Inches towards Miles’, could not go beyond ‘Inches’.

Both India and China remain suspicious of each other till the date. China thinks that India is a party of US’s ‘Containment policy’; while India believes that China is effectively pursuing the policy of ‘Encirclement’ in Asian.

In the fight between two Asian giants, it is the citizens of Arunachal Pradesh who suffer for no fault of theirs. The Government of India always framed its policy vis-à-vis Arunachal Pradesh based on strategic and ‘nationalist’ considerations.

A long-standing territorial dispute between India and China was allowed to be spill over into the international arena by China when it blocked India’s development plan at the Asian Development Bank (ADB) as it contained a $60 million project for Arunachal Pradesh.

China’s plan, initially, was not to issue visa to the people of Arunachal Pradesh, claiming that ‘Arunachalee do not need visa to visit their own country’. Later, however, it changed its stance and started issuing ‘stapled visa’. Since it is not a normal stamped visa, many from the state are denied permission by the Government of India to visit China.

The then Member of Parliament and the present MoS (Home), Kiran Rijiju, urged New Delhi to adopt a concrete strategy so that Arunanchalees do not face ‘humiliation again and again’. Rijiju’s logic, simple and straight, was that ‘...... the border problem will continue and the Arunachalee can never participate in any international event in China’.

In 2015, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was believed to have issued warning against Beijing's policy of issuing stapled visas to residents of Arunachal Pradesh. A tit-for-tat response from New Delhi was expected, but what Modi did was to announce electronic visas for Chinese tourists. His announcement reversed the past policy of holding back easing visas for Chinese nationals in protest against Beijing’s practice of issuing stapled visa.

Except for 15-km stretch between Bleting, the last Indian village in Lumla, and Kheney in Tashigang of Bhutan, India and Bhutan is connected by all-weather road. The Government of Bhutan is reluctant to allow construction of this stretch of the road because of various factors-both political and strategic.

One of the reasons could be that Bhutan does not wish to anger China as Beijing considers Tawang as a geographical and cultural extension of the mainland China. If it is allowed, the distance between Guwahati and strategically significant Tawang will be reduced by around 200 kilometers while the travel time is likely to decrease by over six hours.

 The coronation of Jigme Singye Wangchuck, father of the present king of Bhutan, took place at very young age. Some months before his official coronation, the government of Bhutan unearthed a plot to kill the young monarch involving some Tibetan refugees. The investigation revealed that Gyalo Thendhup, brother of the Dalai Lama, was the alleged kingpin of the plot. There are hundreds of Tibetan refugees in Bhutan, who fled with the Dalai Lama in 1959 (many had already accepted Bhutanees citizenship).

Bhutan is not only apprehensive about the Dalai Lama’s influence but is equally concerned about the ‘material influence’ from Mon region. Gombu/Gombe Kora festival is held every year in the month of March/April in Tashigang area of Bhutan. Hundreds of people from Tawang and West Kameng participate in the festival. In one such festivals, some Monpas (or may be Tibetan refugees) were seen spending lakhs of rupees in Arrow Shooting game.

Two violent incidents rocked the otherwise peaceful Mon region- one in 2014 and another in 2016. The first one was the mod attack against the three MLAs, Pema Khandu, Jambey Tashi and Tsering Tashi of Tawang District.  Their vehicles were damaged in Bomdila by the mob suspecting that they had a hand on the death of Tsona Gontse Rinpoche, who was found dead New Delhi on May 16, 2014.

Lama Lobsang Gyatso (also known as Anna Lama because of his association with Anna Hazare), General Secretary of the Save Mon Region Federation, was arrested by the district police. The SMRF has been leading a movement against several hydroelectric dams which are coming up in the region. Lama’s supporters demanded his immediate release and started to protest in front of police station and the police resorted to firing killing two persons and injuring six others.

These incidents seriously dented the political image of Khandu family. The young Khandu (Pema), the present Chief Minister, perhaps desires to establish peace in the region by inviting the Dalai Lama.

India, being a democratic country and a responsible member of international community, is bound by established rules and norms to have allowed our guests, including refugees to visit any part of the country. It is the responsibility of the government of the day to ensure safety and security of any individuals in the country. The Dalai Lama, being our reverend guest, is free for his religious preaching anywhere in the country, may it be Tawang or any other places.

Critics have, however, maintained that the state should not have anything to do with the visit of a religious figure, in this case the Dalai Lama. This argument is significant in the context of the Government of Arunachal Pradesh, under the leadership of Pema Khandu (a Buddhist), gearing up all its machineries for the visit of a religious head.

Will the government extend similar courtesies in the event of the visit of other religious figures in the likes of Imam Bukhari or Paul Dinakaran? Would the government keep three-four Fortuners (costing around 25 lakhs each) at the disposal of other similar dignitaries as well?

Unlike in the past, the present Indian leadership has the potential to deliver. I have no doubt that our desire of getting Indian railways extended upto Tawang would come to a reality. But for now, we would be satisfied with a daily Rajdhani Express from Naharlagun to New Delhi.

Kiren Rijiju indicated that New Delhi is planning to construct a road along the international boundary (McMohan Line) from Mago-Thingbu in Tawang to Vijaynagar in Changlang district of Arunachal Pradesh to boost infrastructure.

This may also come true. But, before that, it is important that the ongoing Trans-Arunachal Highway (Rs. 24,000 crores project announced by the UPA government under Manmohan Singh) is implemented properly. Almost all strategically important defence roads (manned by BRTF) are in dilapidated conditions.

Today’s Bomdila-Tawang road is as same as what I saw some 15 years ago. Hayuliang-Chaklagam road, which is around 55 kilometers, takes three-four hours. A defence part (looks like bofors howitzer gun) lays unattended on the roadside because the road is so narrow that the Indian Army trucks find it difficult to negotiate its turns.

So, what is the use of political chest-thumping without matching it at the ground level? 

My take on the issue is that China considers Tibet as the core, and Tawang the periphery. Their claim over Arunachal Pradesh is only symbolic.

Secondly, friendly relations with our neighbouring countries would help us develop peacefully. India had already acknowledged “Tibet Autonomous Region” is a part of China territory in lieu of China acknowledging Sikkim as part of India territory in 2003.  So would India’s half-hearted support with full of rhetoric help change China’s Tibet policy?

Third, the India’s foreign policy objective of permitting the Dalal Lama to visit Tawang whenever China vetoes UN declaration of Masood Azhar as a terrorist is highly deplorable.

Fourthly, India suffers from ‘democratic-surplus’. We debate a lot but not firm in our actions. A CIA paper reveals that Nehru wanted to have a deal on Aksai Chin, in exchange of the Indian ownership of Arunachal Pradesh, but his view was opposed by some leaders in the Congress party.

Last, Chinese leadership may say something but do something. The quality of Chinese leaders is aptly reflected in Aksay Kumar’s dialogue in his film Rowdy Rathore, ‘Joh main bolta hoon woh main karta hoon ... joh main nahi bolta woh main definitely karta hoon’.

The author is faculty in Rajiv Gandhi University, Itanagar and can be contacted at nanibath@rediffmail.com. 

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Kenter Joya Riba

(Managing Editor)
      She is a graduate in Science with post graduation in Sociology from University of Pune. She has been in the media industry for nearly a decade. Before turning to print business, she has been associated with radio and television.
Email: kenterjoyaz@easternsentinel.in / editoreasternsentinel@gmail.com
Phone: 0360-2212313

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